Skip to main content

Reality check

Next door Hong Kong is, for many Filipinos, a shopping excuse that is just a two hours flight away.

But the decision by China to restrict voting reforms for the former Crown colony set back the cause of free democratic elections. Effects will ripple out beyond those shopping malls.

The National People’s Congress Standing Committee  decision drew battle lines in what pro-democracy groups  say is  a deepening confrontation over Hong Kong’s  political future—and of China, the New York Times notes.

It clamped procedural barriers on candidates for the city’s leader’s post. These would ensure Beijing remained the gatekeeper to that position—and to political power over the city.

What does that mean for those next door to Hong Kong, specially the Asean countries?

The move shuts off dissent. Under President Xi Jinping, China is pressing its offensive in Hong Kong, “Beijing has chosen a showdown with a protest movement unlike any it has ever faced on the mainland.”

Protestors assert that the curbs set by Beijing for selection of the chief executive, made a mockery of the “one person, one vote” principle that had been promised to Hong Kong.

“After having lied to Hong Kong people for so many years, it finally revealed itself,” said Alan Leong, a pro-democracy legislator. “Hong Kong people are right to feel betrayed. “

“We are no longer willing to be docile subjects,” added Benny Tai, a co-founder of Occupy Central and an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong. “Our hope is Hong Kong has entered a new era, an era of civil disobedience.”

Perhaps, one of the more   insightful commentators is the British Broadcasting Corporation’s China editor: Carrie Gracie. Here is a recap of her take on the issue:

“The Chinese government decided that facing down a campaign of civil disobedience, in the short term, is preferable to allowing Hong Kong a political process which might create meaningful challenges to its own authority in the long term.

Beijing left no room for compromise. It insisted all candidates must secure more than 50% support from a nominating body it controls.

This unyielding line is part of a wider political picture.  Under the leadership of Xi Jinping, China itself moved further against any suggestion of democratic reform. The Communist Party today is ever more entrenched in its monopoly on power.

Hong Kong remains the only place where Chinese citizens can criticize the one party-state or commemorate the Tiananmen democracy protests of 1989.  Free speech and freedom of assembly in the former British colony already stretch Beijing's patience thin.

Still, it seeks to avoid appearances of   reneging from the promise of direct elections in 2017. But it decided—not to risk the emergence of a leader who might confront its own interests outright.

This is the way the Chinese government prefers to do its politics.  Beijing espouses market competition in some areas of the economy, it wishes to send a message throughout China that no such principle should apply in politics.

Thus, a familiar defensive—and xenophobic—strain is emerging in the Chinese narrative surrounding the Hong Kong issue.

An article in the Communist People's Daily said that some in Hong Kong were colluding with outside forces. “Not only are they undermining Hong Kong's stability and development, but they're also attempting to turn Hong Kong into a bridgehead for subverting and infiltrating the Chinese mainland.”

It's hard to assess how many people in Hong Kong or elsewhere in China actually believe this. Many argue instead that Hong Kong's success has been built on its cosmopolitan society and international focus.

The Hong Kong government has thrown in its lot with Beijing. Chief Executive Leung Chun-Ying said, “Mainstream Hong Kong society” agreed with Beijing on how electoral reform should proceed.

In the opposing camp, the Occupy Central movement has warned the battle for hearts and minds will now begin in earnest. “By refusing to trust the voters of Hong Kong to make free choices, Beijing may now have triggered the emergence of the “chaotic society” it was so keen to avoid, Gracie thinks.

The Hong Kong protest movement plans to launch a civil-disobedience campaign in October 1 to protest Beijing's decision.  Some shaved their heads as a pledge to non-violent resistance

This coincides with the weeklong holiday around China's National Day on Oct. 1—traditionally one of the biggest shopping weeks of the year in Hong Kong, when a lot of mainlanders visit the city.

Wall Street Journal, however, tracked “a loss of momentum following   announcement of the Chinese decision on Aug. 31. This is proving to be a reality check for a movement that has tried to rally a city focused on stability and whose bottom line is: What is in it for us?”


Shoppers can buy anything in Hong Kong. Well, almost anything—except freedom.

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Empanada festival: A celebration of good taste and good life

By Dominic B. dela Cruz & Leilanie G. Adriano Staff reporters BATAC CITY—If there is one thing Batac is truly proud of, it would be its famous empanada-making business that has nurtured its people over the years. Embracing a century-old culture and culinary tradition, Batac’s empanada claims to be the best and tastiest in the country with its distinctive Ilokano taste courtesy of its local ingredients: fresh grated papaya, mongo, chopped longganisa, and egg. The crispy orange wrapper and is made of rice flour that is deep-fried. The celebration of this city’s famous traditional fast food attracting locals and tourists elsewhere comes with the City Charter Day of Batac every 23 rd  of June. Every year, the City Government of Batac led by Mayor Jeffrey Jubal Nalupta commemorate the city’s charter day celebration to further promote its famous One-Town, One Product, the Batac empanada. Empanada City The Batac empanada festival has already become an annua

PIDS expert says income tax cuts justified; warns gov’t of revenue loss

Proposals to amend the personal income tax schedule appear to be well-justified. However, these proposals should include measures that will allow government to recover the revenue loss from lower income taxes. Dr. Rosario Manasan, senior research fellow of state think-tank Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS), said at a seminar sponsored by the Philippine Senate, that government should look for new revenue measures to compensate for the projected revenue loss that will arise as a result of the implementation of any of the various proposals to restructure the personal income tax. Currently, there are several income tax reform proposals pending in both houses of Congress. All of them, according to Dr. Manasan, have the same objective of addressing the phenomenon of bracket creep, which results from “non-indexation to inflation of personal income tax brackets”. Simply put, bracket creep occurs when employees’ income increases over time as a result of inflation. Th

PGIN honors Ilocano heroes of past, present through Heroes Walk

SPO1 Allan Lampitoc Franco of Banna, Ilocos Norte and PO2 Jovalyn D. Lozano of Adams, Ilocos Norte receive a resolution of commendation, a certificate of college scholarship grant to their family members and a P20,000 cash incentive each from the Provincial Government of Ilocos Norte represented by Governor Imee R. Marcos and Vice Governor Angelo M. Barba in recognition of their bravery and heroic acts in the Mamasapano clash in Maguindanao on January 25. Mr. Franco and Mr. Lozano were recognized on March 10 in time for the unveiling of the second batch of Ilocano heroes at the Heroes Walk located along the Sirib Mile in Laoag City.  (Lei Adriano) By Jennifer T. Pambid PGIN-CMO In honor of the heroes who brought freedom, fame and glory to the province as well as to the country in the past century, the Provincial Government of Ilocos Norte (PGIN) through the Education Department and Sirib Youth Office launched the second batch of Ilocano Heroes Walk on March 10, 2015.